On September 12, 2001, the day after the fall of the Twin Towers, WABC-AM in New York City recruited John Batchelor to go on the air until Osama bin Laden was either killed or captured. John has been on ever since, offering insightful commentary on such issues as the war on terrorism, the presidency, the national and global economies, and defending our civilization. On March 12, 2003, one week before the attack on Iraq, ABC Radio Networks invited John to bring his expertise to syndication. Since then John has reached out nationwide, focusing his concerns on a world at war.
The John Batchelor Show is an essential tool for understanding the new order in the 21st Century. The world is now facing a dangerous and fanatical enemy determined to destroy Western civilization on both political and military fronts. In this, the first great ideological battle of the new millennium, it is imperative to know the major players and the theaters in which they operate.
The John Batchelor Show features a multitude of distinctive elements. John's themes cover every detail - from military battles, presidential campaigns, planetary exploration, and Hollywood politicos to his own international travel. John has broadcast from many corners of the world and in his program he calls out to all points, including New York, Jerusalem, Des Moines, Kazakhstan, Orlando, Manchester, Morocco, Boston, Taipei, Washington, and Baghdad.
John is a veteran novelist, author of seven political romances as well as a short history of the Republican Party. Born in Bryn Mawr, Pennsylvania, in 1948, John attended Lower Merion High School and Princeton University. In 1976 he was graduated from Union Theological Seminary. John is married and has two children.
Rebellion and Theater in Minnesota
The dialogue turns to the rebellious American province of Minnesota, where local authorities and National Guard forces reportedly confront federal Department of Homeland Security agents over immigration enforcement in suburban streets. Gaius expresses alarm at combat-ready troops appearing in peaceful neighborhoods, while Germanicus identifies these confrontations as symptoms of potential civil war, drawing parallels to the radicalization that preceded the French and Spanish Civil Wars when ideological factions manufactured crises to justify violence. They dissect what Germanicus terms the "theater" of modern political conflict, wherein the Left imitates revolutionary Jacobins while the Right grows increasingly militant, both sides driving the nation toward artificial confrontation that serves partisan interests rather than public good. Germanicus notes the bitter irony of the Governor—referred to variously as Wallace or Waltz—who previously deployed what critics called "stormtroopers" during the plague years to enforce compliance, now mobilizing those same forces against the central government he once served. The debaters conclude that while much of this represents performative "authoritarian theater" designed for political consumption rather than genuine rebellion, such staged conflicts carry the grave risk of spiraling into authentic fratricidal violence and the catastrophic breakdown of imperial order that doomed previous republics.
1902
Gaius and Germanicus convene in winter Londinium to debate the American Emperor Trump's bold proposal to purchase Greenland from Denmark, framing this ambition not as mere resource acquisition but as a demonstration of imperial authority in the manner of ancient conquerors. Germanicus argues that NATO's opposition to the scheme reveals deep fractures within the alliance, fractures the Emperor exploits through tariffs and economic coercion to enforce obedience among vassal states. The strategic calculus centers on the "GIUK gap"—the naval chokepoint between Greenland, Iceland, and the United Kingdom—and the opening Arctic passages as polar ice recedes and Chineseambitions expand northward, circumstances they compare to World War II-era occupations designed to protect the Western Hemisphere from hostile powers. Germanicus posits that purchasing Greenland serves primarily as ritualistic display, for the Empire cannot presently risk actual war with major rivals like China or Russia, and must therefore project dominance through economic might and symbolic victories. The debaters conclude that while Denmark publicly resists, a face-saving "condominium arrangement" represents the most likely resolution, permitting the United States to maintain its status as dominant world power through the instruments of economic pressure and theatrical triumph rather than the spilling of legionary blood.
1899 GREENLAND
A LANDSLIDE VICTORY AND POLITICAL REALIGNMENT Colleague David Pietrusza. On election night, early returns from Connecticut signal a massive victory for Roosevelt, contradicting expectations of a close race. FDRsweeps the nation, winning 46 states and securing 334 House seats, while Landon carries only two states. This landslide marks a permanent realignment of American politics, solidifying the Democratic Party's strength in urban areas. Roosevelt carries 104 of the nation's 106 major cities, supported overwhelmingly by the children of immigrants who came of age during the 1930s. The result validates the "liberal ideal" and leaves the Republican opposition in complete disarray. NUMBER 8
1936 JAVELIN WINNERS
CHALLENGES FROM AL SMITH AND SOUTHERN POPULISTS Colleague David Pietrusza. Roosevelt faces opposition from his former mentor Al Smith, who felt snubbed after 1932 and now leads the conservative American Liberty League. Smith attacks the New Deal as class warfare and claims it steals from socialist programs. Simultaneously, FDR worries about the populist threat from the South, represented by the legacy of Huey Long and the rhetoric of Eugene Talmadge. Although Long was assassinated in 1935, his "Share Our Wealth" program remains popular. In Georgia, Talmadge rallies support with race-baiting and accusations that the New Deal is influenced by communism. NUMBER 2
1936 JOAN CRAWFIORD AND FRANCHOT TONE IN ITALY